December 19, 2007

History:

30 years since first ever “Go To Villages Campaign’ launched

by the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union (APRSU)

Courtsy (http://stalin-mao.net) | Posted on September 3rd, 2007

by Harsh Thakor

Integrating the student movement or the student community with the peasantry was an integral revolutionary task. Worldwide revolutions have been made with the participation of students and youth and their integration with the struggles of the working class and the peasantry. In a third world semi-colonial country like India which has conditions to what China had in a pre-revolutionary period the principal work is in the countryside and it is the peasantry which is the major revolutionary force. For the student movement to have a truly revolutionary political character it had to identify and unite with the peasantry in the villages.

In 1977,30 years ago the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union (APRSU) made history by launching the first ever ‘Go To Villages’ Campaign in India. What differentiated the A.P.R.SU from other revolutionary organizations was it’s stress on the student movement linking with the agrarian revolution.

In 1977 the Janata Party had come to power, which was hailed by quarters as a great victory for Democracy. In the villages of Karimnagar a major campaign was launched. Slogans were given off ‘Boycott elections and join he Agrarian Revolution.’ The peasants of Jagtiyal and Sircilla taluks were greatly awakened. Committees were formed and struggles were started against local landlords. Strikes for wage increase, campaigns for the release of bonded labourers, resistance against different types of caste and gender discrimination, occurred. In many villages, units of the Rythu Coolie Sangham (RCS) were formed. Social boycott of the most oppressive landlords began, and soon all the exploited and labouring sections of the villages responded. Parallel Peoples Courts were set up.

The following year another campaign was launched following the 2nd state Conference of A.P.R.S.U. This time greatly inspired by the conference, peasant youth returned to villages to organize the peasantry. Landlords were forcibly tried in Peoples Courts. Over 800 acres of land was occupied and lakhs of rupees collected as refunds by the landless peasants. On September 8th amass rally was held consisting of 35000 peasants Terror was created amongst the landlord sections and some fled to the cities. A few days in the aftermath of the rally, the landlord of China Metupaly opened fire on a peasant demonstration, injuring 20.The peasants retaliated by destroying his crops and razing his nephew’s house to the ground.

In April, May, June 1979 the first joint campaign was carried out between the Radical Students Union and the Radical Youth league (RYL). This time not only the politics of agrarian revolution was propagated but students were educated on the Soviet backed Vietnamese aggression on Kampuchea. Propaganda team members were arrested, and revolutionary literature was confiscated. As the students had integrated with the tendu-leaf workers struggling for higher wages in Adilabad district, the police arrested the youth. The repression was particularly serve in Telengana district. The campaign culminated in the second state conference of Radical youth League in Khammam.

In subsequent campaigns the students courageously bore the onslaught of the police. They relentlessly propagated revolutionary politics. In 1980 they campaigned against the Russian invasion of Afghanistan. They also pledged solidarity with the just struggle of the Assamese people for their nationality. In the 1981 campaign they exposed the police massacre on tribal peasants in Indarvelli. In 1982 they pledged for the release of Comrade Kondapali Seetharamiah and other political prisoners. A judicial enquiry was demanded for those mowed down in false encounters. The team also mobilised workers for the first conference of the Singaleri Mine workers .The 1983 campaign was based on exposing the newly formed Telegu Desam Party. It was propagated that he Telegu nationality would only be liberated through proletarian struggle-new democratic revolution of the Proletariat. The 1984 campaign demanded the withdrawal of Central Reserve Force troops from Telanagana district. The goonda attacks of the A.B.V.P were also thwarted. More than one lakh signatures wee obtained on this issue.

In all the campaigns the central theme focused on the politics of agrarian revolution. Units of RYL and Rytu Coolie Sanghams were formed. In the 1984 campaign,1100 students and youth split into 150 teams and spread the village of agrarian revolution in 2419 villages.

How Go To Villages campaign was carried out:

The students have to participate with a particular understanding. They must analyze the political consciousness of the villagers. A clear political understanding of the purpose and aim of the campaigns is required for the campaign to be a success. Not all villages are ready for revolution. For any revolution the existence of a revolutionary situation is only a first condition Beyond this 3 more conditions are required They are-

1. Revolutoinary Consciousness amongst the people

2. An established leadership to lead the revolutionary movement

3. Building of a Peoples Army.

Under no circumstances should the students be bookish. They should show utmost humility and respect the peasants. The campaigns have to be carried out with tremendous patience. The students cannot always expect a rousing welcome. They must win over the hearts of he peasants with the utmost patience.

The major pre-condition is revolutionary consciousness which understands that the basic reason for poverty is that the means of production are not socialized. This consciousness realizes that the New Democratic Revolution is essential as a first step towards reaching the Socialist Society. Revolutionary consciousness has to be carried out amongst the oppressed people.

In the states of Bihar and West Bengal similar campaigns were carried out. The Emergence of revolutionary student organisations was of great significance in Bihar. The Revolutionary Students League (RSL) led by the Maoist Communist Centre was the first ever Revolutionary Student organisation which carried out the first ever Go to Villages campaign in Bihar by a student front in 1989. In that campaign they upheld the Chinese Revolution in commemorating the 40th anniversary year. A Village campaign was also held in1993 protesting against the Death Sentence on M.C.C. comrades in the Dalechauk Baghera Uprising in Aurangabad and against the demolition of the Babri Masjid in December 1992,where a cycle rally was also held.

Significantly in 1992 the Democratic Students Union (Delhi), the Bharat Nauhavan Sabha (Bihar),the Bharat Naujanavn Sangh (Delhi) and the Revolutionary Youth League (West Bengal) carried out a ‘Go To village campaign’ in Jehenabad in Bihar. Cultural programmes were launched and a study was made on the condition of the villagers through a class analysis. This campaign inspired many student and youth comrades to integrate with the revolutionary peasant movement. Politics of agrarian revolution was propagated. This campaign was the precursor of the revolutionary students of Delhi integrating with the agrarian revolutionary movement in Bihar.

Bihar:

In 1994 the Party Unity section formed their first ever revolutionary student organisation in Bihar which was the Democratic Students Union (DSU). This had its roots in the Bharat Naujavan Sabha formed in 1988. The Bharat Naujavan Sabha earlier fought for the students and youth collectively. For the first time a separate organizational structure was built for students. Several former Bharat Naujavan Sabha activists took up the responsibility of building DSU. The strategy of the Democratic Students Union was to organise students on their partial demands as well as connect their problems to the chief political issues of the day. The student movement had to be oriented towards the interests of the agrarian revolution. For achieving the task the Democratic Students Union took up the responsibility of organizing ‘Go to Village Campaigns’. Democratic Students Union also sought to fight against imperialism as well as for other democratic issues. In the colleges the DSU fought against malpractices in Arts colleges as well as engineering colleges. In these institutions unqualified teachers and principals were appointed. Funds were misappropriated by managements. In the Patna Arts College the Principal even stole paintings. DSU organised agitations against this. DSU declared a lockout in the college not allowing principals and teachers to enter the college. Waris Hadi was made principal in 1994 as he had political links with the governor of Bihar. He sold paintings and illegally appointed several people including a lecturer who faced a murder charge. After a protracted student struggle the principal was removed. The president of the then students union was rusticated from the university due to complete collapse of administrative structure in the college. The college was not de-affiliated from the All India technical Services board which badly affected students.

The DSU organised agitations against indifference and politicking in Patna University. 70students sat on a dharna for 5 days and a poster exhibition was organised. Programmes were taken jointly with A.I.S.F,the S.F.I and the A.I.D.S.O. fighting for student’s admissions. Dharnas were held against malpractices and corruption. Agitations were also launched against fee hikes. Such examples are in Daltonganj where the students had to clash with the C.P.R.F personnel. In Patna engineering college the students launched a 6 day hunger strike demanding the opening of a college which had been opened earlier. DSU gave solidarity to this issue and burnt an effigy of the education minister.

In 1997 D.S.U protested against the killing of 6 Party Unity activists. In Patna they burned the effigy of the chief minister. DSU also held commemoration programmes of the Arwal massacre that took place in 1986. In 1996 a protest meeting was clamped upon by the police and revolutionary activists were arrested. After the killing of Comrade Chandrashekar, a student of JNU in Delhi DSU launched protest programmes along with other organisations. In Jehanabad with A.I.D.S.O protests were organised in the form of torchlight processions. In 1999, DSU with the Bharat Naujavan Sabha took out a cycle rally from Daltangaunj to Patna protesting against the Shankar Bigha massacre. Earlier in Daltonganj an effigy of the chief minister was burnt. In March 2000 DSU led a protest with other revolutionary organisations protesting the murder of 11 revolutionaries in Kachnewan. An effigy of the Bihar administration was burnt at Patna junction. DSU also participated in the march to Kachnewan as well as on a protest demonstration on April 6th.

From 1995 the DSU organised ‘Go to Village Campaigns.’ These have been conducted on district as well as state levels. There were three types of campaigns launched. The first was on specific political issues. The second type was a general political campaign and the third type was launching cultural programmes. The purpose of these programmes was to integrate the students and youth with the peasantry. In the first campaign in Gumrah district 6 DSU activists were arrested campaigning for Beedi Patta workers. The activists were organising the Beedi Patta workers against the merciless contractors who did not pay them their daily wages. The next state-wide campaign took place in 1997 in Khagaria district which is a flood prone region. Here the DSU formed flood relief distribution committees and explained the peasants the political reasons for which the state could not give common people protection. The flood relief programmes of the government were found to be totally inadequate and the government gave a ready excuse that Nepal has let off water. Infact the real reason was that the landlords did not allow the construction of dams at sites which would have been appropriate because those sites were falling within their lands. Infact the dam mechanism in the state was created only with the purpose of preventing water-logging and not for flood control. In addition the boatmen were not paid their wages for the relief work. At the end of the campaign the team held public meetings and dharma demanding an end to corruption and compensation for boatmen.

In 1998 the DSU with the Bharat Naujavan Sabha visited areas in Buxar ,Palamau Santhal Paraganas and Khagaria districts. In Buxar sustained wall-writing was carried out by activists protesting against the landlords not paying minimum wages to agricultural workers. They were paid wages between Rs.15 to 30. Landlords here possessed 5,000 acres of land and religious Maths owned hundreds of acres. In Santhal Parganas the DSU fought for the implementation of a separate Jharkhand State .In Palamau, a centre of the revolutionary peasant movement the DSU fought against the construction of a dam which submerged 14 villages. 20 people had been killed in the flood the previous year and no compensation was awarded. In Khagaria activists again propagated the real reasons for adequate protection being given to people during floods. The wrong policies of the government were explained. ‘Bandh Sangharsh committees’ were formed in villages which held several protest meetings against corruption. The last state-wide campaign took place in the Bhagalpur and Banka districts. Here the activists gave solidarity to peasant’s struggles and propagated the politics of Naxalbari and agrarian revolution.

In May 2000 the DSU held its first state conference in Patna. Students came from all over the state the maximum number coming from Palamau and Jehanabad and Bhagalpur districts in the former two districts students faced severe repression on the way to the conference. In addition students came from Buxar, Gaya, Khagaria districts etc. Before the State conference district conferences were held in Bhagalpur, Patna town and Palamau districts. Here district committees were formed and the district activities were reviewed. At the State conference Comrade Amitabh was elected the President and Vijay, the secretary. A six member committee consisting of Amitabh, Sachin, Sumit, Pankaj, Vijay and Jaiprakash were elected. Resolutions were passed opposing privatization and communalization of education, opposing the repression on revolutionary movements and supporting the rights of nationalities to self-determination.

State-wide workshops were also carried out by the Democratic Students Union. The first one was held in 1999 to discuss organizational functioning, the building of units, politicization methods and finance. Here principally the appropriate forms of struggle were discussed. It was decided that educational institutions were neglected and a regular wall magazine should be brought out in addition to cultural programmes. It was also noted that regular committees were not formed in several places In the 2nd workshop in February 2000 study classes were held on the history of the Communist movement in India, the State of Education, and dialectical materialism. Delegates attended from Gaya, Palamau, Bhagalpur and Patna.

One of the most significant things that occurred was the merger of the Progressive Students and Youth Front with the DSU. The former organisation had a strong mass base in Bhagalpur district leading powerful agitations against fee-hikes and corruption in Bhagalpur University. This organisation also held a massive programme for Tilka Majhi’s birthday to be observed in Bhagalpur University. Several times the organisation organised gheraoes against the vice-chancellor for hostel demands. After merging into DSU the organisation launched a massive demonstration against the administration in Bhagalpur University house –arresting corrupt officials.

The emergence of the Democratic Students Union has played a significant role in the revolutionary movement in Bihar. Innumerable sacrifices have been made by activists. The martyrdom of comrades Anil Ojha and Chanchal were particularly significant. Anil Ojha was killed as a result of police torture after organising a student agitation against malpractices of the principal in Patna Arts College. Chanchal played a great role in organising DSU units in Jehanabad districts as well as building the Bharat Naujavan Sabha. Eventually he was killed by his own relatives. However the movement has had several setbacks. As a result of severe repression by the state on the peasant movement the DSU has been unable to function openly in many areas of the State. The best examples are Palamau and Jehanabad. Here activists have often been arrested for carrying out open programmes. Even in Khagaria the DSU which earlier had a unit has been unable to function. The only prominent areas of functioning are in Bhagalpur and Patna. Although activists have made heroic political sacrifices as a result of the powerful left-sectarian trend in the movement various weaknesses have occurred in the movement.

Jharkand:

In the Jharkhand areas DSU led struggles for tribals in schools to be taught in their native languages. In these areas D.S.U launched agitations for tribal students who were denied the right to learn in their native languages. The DSU also fought for democratic rights issues. Very often DSU organise cycle rallies as a form of protest. The most significant agitations were against police firings in Madhubani and Darsinghsarai areas of Bihar. Here DSU joined hands with even the revisionist student organisations as well as the Chatra Sangharsh Yuva Vahini. This took place in 1995. The DSU also protested against the death sentence imposed on the 13 MCC activists in 1992. Here the D.S.U joined hands with the Revolutionary Students League and the Progressive Students and Youth front (the two other revolutionary student organisations). After the Laxmanpur-Bathe massacre carried out by the Ranbir Sena the DSU along with the Bharat Naujavan Sangh organised protests throughout the state. In Daltonganj, Jehanabad, Gaya, Khagaria torchlight processions were launched. In conditions of severe repression protests were launched. DSU joined hands with several revolutionary organizations on this issue.

Maharashtra:

The Vidhyarti Praghati Sanghatna in Maharashtra also carried out campaigns in villages. A village campaign team was jailed in Chandrapur in 1984 which was building units of the peasant organization-The Krantikari Kashtakari Sanghatana was established. For many successive years campaigns were launched like in Nasik district in 1995 where the politics of agrarian revolution was propagated.

West Bengal:

Similarly Go To Village Campaigns were carried out in West Bengal. From May 6th to June 7th in 1995 the Revolutionary Students Federation (RSF) participated in a month long campaign in Midnapur district covering 60 villages. Political classes were carried out explaining the politics of the New Democratic Revolution, GATT agreement and Jharkhand Movement. 3000 pamphlets were distributed in villages. There were 3 objectives I launching the campaign. Firstly to understand he lives of the rural population of West Bengal, secondly, to merge with the lives of the people, and thirdly to propagate the agrarian revolutionary politics. The teams never bought food and always ate with the masses. Local landlords repelled he team and stated launching campaign against the RSF team. They even brought the police and implicated false charges on the team. However the team had won the hearts of he villagers who bravely thwarted off any attempts of reactionary elements to sabotage their campaign. In the night cultural programmes were launched.

The teams had found out that socio-economic conditions had not improved in the West Bengal during the CPM regime. Women collected Sal tree leaves from the jungle which they converted into plates and sold at a price of Rs.15-22 per 1000 pieces. In turn the trader sold them at a price of Rs250-300 per 1000 in Calcutta. They were also denied the minimum wage of Rs40 and were paid Rs15 for producing Rs5 kg of paddy. The tribal people were also illiterate. In West Bengal Revolutionary Students League conducted a village camping in North Bengal while the Revolutionary Students Association carried out a campaign in the industrial regions of Calcutta.

Kerala:

Campaigns were also carried out exposing the parliamentary system. Campaigns were launched in Kerala in Palakkad, Calicut, Kannur and Ernakulam districts. Mass postering and distribution of pamphlets was done.

Delhi:

In Delhi, campaigns were launched in Industrial areas where a skit named ‘Sansad Suabarda Hai’ was performed (Parliament is a pigsty). It was jointly carried out by the Delhi Democratic Students Union and the Delhi Mazdoor Front.

Tamil Nadu:

In Tamil Nadu 5 districts were coverede, namely Madras, Madurai, Salem, Dharmapuri and Vellore. Efforts of goondas and other reactionary elements to thwart the campaign were successfully repelled.

There may have been errors with regards to the mass line as how the ‘Go to Village Campaigns’ were carried out, but they were an important lesson ion political understanding. Vanguardist tenencies, politics of ‘annihilation of the class enemy’, incorrect relationship of the party with he mass organizations were prominent but overall we must salute the campaigning teams whose mission will remain a permanent place in the history of the revolutionary movement and holding high the banner of ‘Maoism’ or Mao Tse Tung Thought’(particularly by the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union).

Birds Eye view of the 1984 APRSU-RYL “Go To Village Campaigns”

No of squads=150

No. of squad members=1100

No of All women squads=10

No. of women squad members=105

No. of villages covered=2419

Total population of villages covered=50,000,000

No of Sanghams organized=200

No of Signatures collected on Charter of demands=1,00,000

Land occupied in Struggles=861 acres

Slogan wall writing=1500 villages

Party literature sold=Rs.2000

Donations collected for conference=Rs.30000

No of street Corner meetings held=7000

No of public meetings=1000

Chater of demands

1. Withdraw C.R.P.F battalions

2. Solve Rayalaseema Peoples just demands

3. Condemn A.B.V.P.-R.S.S goondas attack on movement.

Repressiion on Campagns

1. ABVP-RSS Sgonda

2. Police and A.P. special police

3. Landlords of all types

Villages were raided, with peasantry threatened with dire consequences. Vigil was kept on roadways, for information on radical squads. An All Women campaign was captured in Ananthapur for the night. Forcibly police took finger-prints.

Illegal detentions:

1. Chitor district.

2. West Godavari district-3 squads

3. East Godavari district-1 squad

4. Vijyanagram district-2 squads

5. Nizamabad district-10 persons

6. Nalgonda district-squad abducted by landlord and handed over to the police.

7. Mahboobnagar district-R.S.S members abducted 2 squad members.

8. Khammam district.-Squad arrested

N.B. Written with reference from the Booklet ‘History of the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union’ and from the 1985, 1993, 1995, 1996, 1997 and 1998 issues of the A.I.R.S F organ Kalam. The Andhra Pradesh Movement has been covered from the APRSU booklet, while the Bihar campaigns were covered from the mid 1990-s issues of Kalam, from the ‘Go To Village Campaign’ section reports.

December 17, 2007

JNU Nandigram Relief Campaign initiated by DSU

CAMPAIGN FOR THE RELIEF OF
NANDIGRAM CARNAGE VICTIMS

As a mark of solidarity with the year-long struggle of the people of Nandigram, the JNU community as well as people from all walks of life outside the campus has responded overwhelmingly to the call for contributing to the ‘Campaign for the Relief of Nandigram Victims’ initiated by students of JNU.

The large scale participation in the Campaign signifies a strong message of condemnation and indictment against the anti-people, anti-worker policies that has been forced upon the exploited classes by the rulers of the country. This systematic policy of displacement, destitution and destruction under the direct supervision of transnational corporations and financial institutions through their local agents: the big capitalist and big landlord classes have taken a monstrous form under the recently promulgated SEZ policy. This model of so-called ‘development’ will result in the further exploitation and marginalization of the poorer and voiceless sections of the society. The parliamentary ‘opposition’ or the NGO-ised ‘movements’ are in no position to stall this fresh wave of imperialist onslaught; it is only the militant, radical and revolutionary peoples’ movements which will withstand and overcome this.

And that is why Nandigram today has become such a powerful symbol of resistance; and that is why it has become all the more necessary for all of us to stand in solidarity with the peasants of Nandigram who are fighting a bitter struggle against the organised hostility of the social fascist CPI(M). Just as the heroic struggles of Tebhaga, Telangana and Naxalbari inspired the country’s working classes to rise up-in-arms against ruthless exploitation, Nandigram too is showing the way toady of many a battles ahead which will but be the inevitable outcome of the crushing policies pursued by the Indian state.

We are furnishing below the detailed accounts of the monetary contributions made to the ‘Campaign for the Relief of Nandigram Victims’ both by the student and teachers of JNU, DU and Jamia Milia Islamia. Apart from this, clothes and woolens were also contributed in large quantities.

These contributions will be handed over to the people of Nandigram and their organisations by the team of JNU and DU students who are visiting Nandigram on 16th and 17th of December.

HOSTEL----------------- RUPEES

Ganga Hostel--------------1154

Jhelum Hostel---------------687

Sutlej Hostel---------------1852

Periyar Hostel--------------1366

Godavari Hostel-------------885

Narmada Hostel-------------767

Sabarmati Hostel----------1895

Tapti Hostel (Girls’ Wing)--727

Mahi-Mandvi Hostel--------950

Lohit Hostel----------------1160

Chandrabhaga Hostel-----1305

Brahmaputra Hostel----- 3022

TOTAL: 15770

JNU Teachers---------------------6800

Jamia Milia Islamia Faculty-----1000

Delhi Univ. Faculty---------------2300

Collection from Individuals-----9500

GRAND TOTAL 35370

December 15, 2007

LETS FIGHT THE FASCIST TERROR OF CPI(M)! LETS LISTEN TO THE VOICES OF NANDIGRAM...

Lies, hypocrisy, false propaganda, misinformation, erasing of facts, denials, constructing myths, these are the often used tools of any fascist rule. The CPI(M)-led government in West Bengal had used all of these to prevent the voices of Nandigram from speaking out the truth. However, it has only succeeded in demonstrating CPI(M)’s social fascist character. After the March massacre in Nandigram, and the series of killings, rapes, injuries, loots, and white terror, CPI(M) might have thought that they have successfully silenced Nandigram. They might have thought that Nandigram was brought under submission and therefore manufacturing ‘consent’ for the proposed chemical hub in Nandigram, like they did in for the Tata’s project in Singur, would not be difficult. Well, they have been proved wrong! They underestimated the people’s power to think, and to resist.

People of Nandigram have a glorious history of struggle. The peasants of Nandigram had kept the region out-of-bounds for the colonial rulers for almost two years in early 1940s, establishing a peoples’ government there. This time too, they neither succumbed before the brutalities and terror unleashed by the CPI(M) thugs, nor have they believed the Chief Minister, a pathological liar, who so far has given only verbal assurances that the chemical hub will not be set up in Nandigram. The fight-back by Nandigram’s people in March this year, when thousands and thousands of evicted people rallied back to their villages to drive the CPI(M) goons out to Khejuri, was astounding. Since then, they have had two strong demands. First, the formal and official withdrawal of the SEZ from Nandigram. Second, punishment of the CPI(M) lumpens and the police officers who were involved in the March massacre. None of the two demands have been met so far. The CBI enquiry that had started in May after High Court order led to the arrest of a few hired lumpens from Keshpur, Garbeta, Topshia and other places. But within a month the CBI enquiry was withdrawn and all the arrested people were given bail. Since then the hired goons of CPI(M) (popularly known as Harmad Vahini) had ganged up in the villages in the Khejuri block, encircled Nandigram and fired or charged bombs every night. To resist such continuous terror, the people in Nandigram started to patrol the ‘border’ areas, organised protests, and after a couple of months started to retaliating the routine attacks unleashed by CPI(M) from Khejuri.


However, contrary to the CPM propaganda, life in Nandigram was near normal all these months.
The Higher Secondary board exams took place in all the schools, the banks, post office, health centers, markets, public transport, everything ran normally. Infact the numbers of petty crimes dropped significantly during these months. The only office that remained defunct at places within Nandigram was the Panchayat offices, because the members of the Panchayat who were CPI(M) activists had fled! The local MLA from CPI or the MP from CPI(M) did not even once visit the area after the March massacre. While ‘peace meetings’ in AC halls or silent marches in the streets of Kolkata went on, regular exchange of firing and bombs became integral part of the lives of people of Nandigram. While the CPM propagated that Nandigram has cut itself off from the rest of Bengal declaring itself as the “liberated zone”, activists, fact-finding teams, medical teams, relief teams, cultural groups, students’ teams, intellectuals and social workers from all over the world kept visiting Nandigram in all these months since March. The ceaseless efforts to delegitimise the struggle in all possible ways by the CPI(M) not withstanding, the support for the struggle in Nandigram had been growing across the nation. And this created panic within the state and the reactionary ranks of the CPI(M) leadership!


The myth of 3500 ‘dispossessed’ CPI(M) supporters: What CPI(M) had been parroting in all these months and with which they tried to ‘justify’ their November ‘recapture’ and massacre was the lie that ‘a large number’ of CPI(M) supporters have been evicted from Nandigram; that they were forced to stay in relief camps. About the November carnage too, at first they said that ‘minor clashes’ took place as ‘displaced’ CPI(M) families tried to force their entry back into Nandigram. In all these eight months however the numbers of ‘displaced’ CPI(M) supporters varied. It ranged from 300 to 3500 according to the whims of the party. However, the so-called relief camps in Khejuri were strangely out-of-bounds for the media (except the ones with declared allegiance to the ruling party), civil society activists, intellectuals, film makers, social workers and common people. Even the couple of films made to justify the CPM carnage (both have been shown in JNU) could NOT show the presence of people in CPI(M)-run relief camps in ‘large numbers’, thereby exposing the falsity of such claims. Some people had indeed been evicted from Nandigram and their families left with them. They led or justified the attacks, the mass killing and rape of women and minor girls on 14th and 15th of March. Names of 18 leaders and around 15 of their henchmen were given to the press by the Bhoomi Uchchhed Pratirodh Committee (BUPC) whose entry to Nandigram was prohibited by the people in a Jan Adalat. Apart from the known CPI(M) goons like Naba Samanta, Dulal Garu, Badal Garu, Pratap Sahu, Sudarshan Garu, Badal Gayen, Himangshu Ray, Ashok Guria, Rabiul Islam etc., identified by the local people to be in the forefront of the March carnage, the BUPC asked all others to come back. The actual number of people staying in Khejuri camps was no more than 150 in May, according to a report by the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR). Although many people returned to Nandigram after that (and the local press kept reporting every return) the number of the so-called displaced CPI(M) supporters kept inflating in the party’s propaganda! They once again participated in the November massacre, and are now ‘back’ with their terror, flaunting arms and intimidating the people. Some were even arrested by CRPF, only to be let off by the local police showing their loyalty to the ruling party. The DIG of CRPF Alok Raj had sought for transfer order and openly expressed his disgust to the utter non-cooperation by the local police in releasing all the people who had been arrested by CRPF, the notorious members of the CPI(M) harmad Vahini!

Harmad Vahini is a term now in regular usage in the popular parlance of Bengal.Harmad ‘, originating from the Spanish word Armada, was used to designate Portuguese pirates. The atrocity unleashed by the CPM goons can easily match the legendary ruthlessness of these pirates. Harmad Vahini is now referred to the hired goons who were ganged up in Khejuri and were appointed to intimidate the people of Nandigram. Regular firing and bomb charging by them from Khejuri on Nandigram had become a daily feature in the past months. Initially CPI(M) denied the presence of any such force in and around Nandigram. However the November “recapture” left no scope for any such blatant denials. More so after Tapan Ghosh and Shukur Ali, two absconding notorious goons, who murdered Left political activists in Chhota Angariya in 1999, were arrested by CBI while they were trying to abduct some injured people of Nandigram, possibly to kill and dispose them. A number of other notorious and infamous criminals like Selim and his gang were also arrested by the CBI from Magrahat and Diamond Harbour who admitted during interrogation their involvement in the November carnage. The 14th March massacre followed by eight months of atrocity finally culminating to the November carnage in the name of ‘recapture’ is thus no spontaneous clash between two political rivals. It is a well planned state-sponsored atrocity meant to crush the people’s movement against land acquisition.

Communalizing protest: one of the most reactionary aspect of CPI(M)’s retort to the movement in Nandigram was to constantly trying and giving it a communal colour. A large section of the Muslim population who has been engaged in agricultural activities in Nandigram were at the forefront of the movement against land acquisition through the organisation Jamiat Ulema-E-Hind. CPI(M) therefore constantly tried to delegitimise it as a communal movement. In reality although Jamiat Ulema-E-Hind is an Islamic organisation its participation in the movement in Nandigram was not for a religious purpose. They emphasized the need to save farmland and livelihood of peasants irrespective of their religion. They vehemently protested against the sham of ‘industrialisation’ and the neo-liberal policies forced upon the common people by the CPI(M) government. Nandigram thus also had unmasked the self-proclaimed secularism of CPI(M) government, and exposed their utter hypocrisy in playing up identity politics and communalism to delegitimise genuine people’s movements.

Matangini Mahila Samiti: Like any other initiative by women against oppression, the existence of this women’s committee too has been played down by the mainstream media. But the women of Nandigram have organised themselves through this samiti which has come up as a platform of resistance against forced displacement and state repression, both of which gets manifested through patriarchal oppression. The mass molestation and rape along with daily verbal and other abuses had prompted the women of Nandigram to organise themselves. Named after the legendary martyr of Quit India movement from the district, Matangini Hajra, the Matangini Mahila Shamity (MMS) held regular meetings to equip the women against repression, held processions, cultural programmes and a big convention in July 2007 where thousands of women had participated. Apart from the general menace of displacement and repression, the MMS also dealt with general problems of women like domestic violence and alchoholism of men. They had launched militant attacks on the local arrack shops and destroyed them. Some members of the MMS were also given arms training in order to defend themselves against the possible attacks of the Harmad Vahini.

Maoists or the ‘Weapons of Mass Destruction’? CPI(M)’s latest and strongest justification to carry out the November carnages had been the spectre of Maoists in Nandigram! As if the very presence of the Maoists/ Naxalites gives them the right to kill, rape, injure, intimidate, abuse and threaten villagers, evict them out of their homes, force them to stay in relief camps, or worse make them leave Nandigram. In CPI(M)’s cock-and bull propaganda stories, the villagers in Nandigram were all Maoists. The activists, intellectuals, theatre personalities, film makers and lakhs of common people who stormed the streets of Kolkata in protest of the brutalities were Maoists too! In short all the protesting voices have been Maoists and hence can be assaulted, arrested and throttled. The logic echoes clearly the arrogance shown by George W. Bush in Iraq war. Well surely Buddhababu’s allegiance to Mr.Bush and his neo-liberal agenda of imperialist globalization also grows out of imitating of His Master’s Ways!

The presence of Maoists in Nandigram to give trainings to the villagers to defend themselves against the attacks of the Harmad Vahini was the demand of the movement in the face of the ceaseless and surmounting all-out attack of the CPI(M) lumpens. The Maoists in the process have found popular support among the people of Nandigram who tried to organise themselves against the onslaught of the fascist ruling party. The CPI(M) clearly did not have that support. Today the CPI(M) flags that have been planted forcefully on every house or nook-and-corner of Nandigram (even a graveyard!) symbolizes the continuation of the State terror that have been unleashed to enforce ‘peace’, ‘order’ and ‘normalcy’. But they know that in the eyes of all the people of Nandigram CPI(M) is nothing but a gang of killers, rapists, and betrayers. And that the silence of Nandigram today is nothing but the silence of graveyard, which is going to erupt in the future against the ruling social fascists.

The road ahead: The worst nightmare for the CPI(M) about the Nandigram movement has been that it has become an effective model of protest, which has the potential to snowball into a massive mass upsurge. It is evident by now that if Nandigram’s defiance to state terror and the resistance against the loot of land and livelihood for the sake of corporates and MNCs be emulated by all the movements that are brewing against SEZ and land grab policies, then it will be a serious threat to the imperialist policies pursued by the state. It is now for everybody to see that only a militant, armed peoples’ struggle has the possibility of putting up a meaningful resistance to the World Bank-IMF dictated juggernaut which goes by the convenient name of ‘development’, dispossessing, displacing and destroying tens of thousands of common peopleon its way: be it peasants, landless agricultural workers, or adivasis... And this is what is happening in Nandigram in Bengal, Jagdalpur (with the POSCO) in Orissa, in the mineral rich Bastar region of Chattisgarh, and so on. We as conscious students must stand up to the call of masses who are fighting a life and death battle against these anti-people policies, and the present State structure that is supporting them. It is for us now to make the choice to unite our voices and our struggles with that of the fighting people of the country.

DSU PUBLIC MEETING:

LETS FIGHT THE FASCIST TERROR OF CPI(M)! LETS LISTEN TO THE VOICES FROM NANDIGRAM!!

Lies, hypocrisy, false propaganda, misinformation, erasing of facts, denials, constructing myths, these are the often used tools of any fascist rule. The CPI(M)-led government in West Bengal had used all of these to prevent the voices of Nandigram from speaking out the truth. However, it has only succeeded in demonstrating CPI(M)’s social fascist character. After the March massacre in Nandigram, and the series of killings, rapes, injuries, loots, and white terror, CPI(M) might have thought that they have successfully silenced Nandigram. They might have thought that Nandigram was brought under submission and therefore manufacturing ‘consent’ for the proposed chemical hub in Nandigram, like they did in for the Tata’s project in Singur, would not be difficult. Well, they have been proved wrong! They underestimated the people’s power to think, and to resist.

People of Nandigram have a glorious history of struggle. The peasants of Nandigram had kept the region out-of-bounds for the colonial rulers for almost two years in early 1940s, establishing a peoples’ government there. This time too, they neither succumbed before the brutalities and terror unleashed by the CPI(M) thugs, nor have they believed the Chief Minister, a pathological liar, who so far has given only verbal assurances that the chemical hub will not be set up in Nandigram. The fight-back by Nandigram’s people in March this year, when thousands and thousands of evicted people rallied back to their villages to drive the CPI(M) goons out to Khejuri, was astounding. Since then, they have had two strong demands. First, the formal and official withdrawal of the SEZ from Nandigram. Second, punishment of the CPI(M) lumpens and the police officers who were involved in the March massacre. None of the two demands have been met so far. The CBI enquiry that had started in May after High Court order led to the arrest of a few hired lumpens from Keshpur, Garbeta, Topshia and other places. But within a month the CBI enquiry was withdrawn and all the arrested people were given bail. Since then the hired goons of CPI(M) (popularly known as Harmad Vahini) had ganged up in the villages in the Khejuri block, encircled Nandigram and fired or charged bombs every night. To resist such continuous terror, the people in Nandigram started to patrol the ‘border’ areas, organised protests, and after a couple of months started to retaliating the routine attacks unleashed by CPI(M) from Khejuri.

However, contrary to the CPM propaganda, life in Nandigram was near normal all these months. The Higher Secondary board exams took place in all the schools, the banks, post office, health centers, markets, public transport, everything ran normally. Infact the numbers of petty crimes dropped significantly during these months. The only office that remained defunct at places within Nandigram was the Panchayat offices, because the members of the Panchayat who were CPI(M) activists had fled! The local MLA from CPI or the MP from CPI(M) did not even once visit the area after the March massacre. While ‘peace meetings’ in AC halls or silent marches in the streets of Kolkata went on, regular exchange of firing and bombs became integral part of the lives of people of Nandigram. While the CPM propagated that Nandigram has cut itself off from the rest of Bengal declaring itself as the “liberated zone”, activists, fact-finding teams, medical teams, relief teams, cultural groups, students’ teams, intellectuals and social workers from all over the world kept visiting Nandigram in all these months since March. The ceaseless efforts to delegitimise the struggle in all possible ways by the CPI(M) not withstanding, the support for the struggle in Nandigram had been growing across the nation. And this created panic within the state and the reactionary ranks of the CPI(M) leadership!

The myth of 3500 ‘dispossessed’ CPI(M) supporters: What CPI(M) had been parroting in all these months and with which they tried to ‘justify’ their November ‘recapture’ and massacre was the lie that ‘a large number’ of CPI(M) supporters have been evicted from Nandigram; that they were forced to stay in relief camps. About the November carnage too, at first they said that ‘minor clashes’ took place as ‘displaced’ CPI(M) families tried to force their entry back into Nandigram. In all these eight months however the numbers of ‘displaced’ CPI(M) supporters varied. It ranged from 300 to 3500 according to the whims of the party. However, the so-called relief camps in Khejuri were strangely out-of-bounds for the media (except the ones with declared allegiance to the ruling party), civil society activists, intellectuals, film makers, social workers and common people. Even the couple of films made to justify the CPM carnage (both have been shown in JNU) could NOT show the presence of people in CPI(M)-run relief camps in ‘large numbers’, thereby exposing the falsity of such claims. Some people had indeed been evicted from Nandigram and their families left with them. They led or justified the attacks, the mass killing and rape of women and minor girls on 14th and 15th of March. Names of 18 leaders and around 15 of their henchmen were given to the press by the Bhoomi Uchchhed Pratirodh Committee (BUPC) whose entry to Nandigram was prohibited by the people in a Jan Adalat. Apart from the known CPI(M) goons like Naba Samanta, Dulal Garu, Badal Garu, Pratap Sahu, Sudarshan Garu, Badal Gayen, Himangshu Ray, Ashok Guria, Rabiul Islam etc., identified by the local people to be in the forefront of the March carnage, the BUPC asked all others to come back. The actual number of people staying in Khejuri camps was no more than 150 in May, according to a report by the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR). Although many people returned to Nandigram after that (and the local press kept reporting every return) the number of the so-called displaced CPI(M) supporters kept inflating in the party’s propaganda! They once again participated in the November massacre, and are now ‘back’ with their terror, flaunting arms and intimidating the people. Some were even arrested by CRPF, only to be let off by the local police showing their loyalty to the ruling party. The DIG of CRPF Alok Raj had sought for transfer order and openly expressed his disgust to the utter non-cooperation by the local police in releasing all the people who had been arrested by CRPF, the notorious members of the CPI(M) harmad Vahini!

Harmad Vahini is a term now in regular usage in the popular parlance of Bengal.Harmad ‘, originating from the Spanish word Armada, was used to designate Portuguese pirates. The atrocity unleashed by the CPM goons can easily match the legendary ruthlessness of these pirates. Harmad Vahini is now referred to the hired goons who were ganged up in Khejuri and were appointed to intimidate the people of Nandigram. Regular firing and bomb charging by them from Khejuri on Nandigram had become a daily feature in the past months. Initially CPI(M) denied the presence of any such force in and around Nandigram. However the November “recapture” left no scope for any such blatant denials. More so after Tapan Ghosh and Shukur Ali, two absconding notorious goons, who murdered Left political activists in Chhota Angariya in 1999, were arrested by CBI while they were trying to abduct some injured people of Nandigram, possibly to kill and dispose them. A number of other notorious and infamous criminals like Selim and his gang were also arrested by the CBI from Magrahat and Diamond Harbour who admitted during interrogation their involvement in the November carnage. The 14th March massacre followed by eight months of atrocity finally culminating to the November carnage in the name of ‘recapture’ is thus no spontaneous clash between two political rivals. It is a well planned state-sponsored atrocity meant to crush the people’s movement against land acquisition.

Communalizing protest: one of the most reactionary aspect of CPI(M)’s retort to the movement in Nandigram was to constantly trying and giving it a communal colour. A large section of the Muslim population who has been engaged in agricultural activities in Nandigram were at the forefront of the movement against land acquisition through the organisation Jamiat Ulema-E-Hind. CPI(M) therefore constantly tried to delegitimise it as a communal movement. In reality although Jamiat Ulema-E-Hind is an Islamic organisation its participation in the movement in Nandigram was not for a religious purpose. They emphasized the need to save farmland and livelihood of peasants irrespective of their religion. They vehemently protested against the sham of ‘industrialisation’ and the neo-liberal policies forced upon the common people by the CPI(M) government. Nandigram thus also had unmasked the self-proclaimed secularism of CPI(M) government, and exposed their utter hypocrisy in playing up identity politics and communalism to delegitimise genuine people’s movements.

Matangini Mahila Samiti: Like any other initiative by women against oppression, the existence of this women’s committee too has been played down by the mainstream media. But the women of Nandigram have organised themselves through this samiti which has come up as a platform of resistance against forced displacement and state repression, both of which gets manifested through patriarchal oppression. The mass molestation and rape along with daily verbal and other abuses had prompted the women of Nandigram to organise themselves. Named after the legendary martyr of Quit India movement from the district, Matangini Hajra, the Matangini Mahila Shamity (MMS) held regular meetings to equip the women against repression, held processions, cultural programmes and a big convention in July 2007 where thousands of women had participated. Apart from the general menace of displacement and repression, the MMS also dealt with general problems of women like domestic violence and alchoholism of men. They had launched militant attacks on the local arrack shops and destroyed them. Some members of the MMS were also given arms training in order to defend themselves against the possible attacks of the Harmad Vahini.

Maoists or the ‘Weapons of Mass Destruction’? CPI(M)’s latest and strongest justification to carry out the November carnages had been the spectre of Maoists in Nandigram! As if the very presence of the Maoists/ Naxalites gives them the right to kill, rape, injure, intimidate, abuse and threaten villagers, evict them out of their homes, force them to stay in relief camps, or worse make them leave Nandigram. In CPI(M)’s cock-and bull propaganda stories, the villagers in Nandigram were all Maoists. The activists, intellectuals, theatre personalities, film makers and lakhs of common people who stormed the streets of Kolkata in protest of the brutalities were Maoists too! In short all the protesting voices have been Maoists and hence can be assaulted, arrested and throttled. The logic echoes clearly the arrogance shown by George W. Bush in Iraq war. Well surely Buddhababu’s allegiance to Mr.Bush and his neo-liberal agenda of imperialist globalization also grows out of imitating of His Master’s Ways!

The presence of Maoists in Nandigram to give trainings to the villagers to defend themselves against the attacks of the Harmad Vahini was the demand of the movement in the face of the ceaseless and surmounting all-out attack of the CPI(M) lumpens. The Maoists in the process have found popular support among the people of Nandigram who tried to organise themselves against the onslaught of the fascist ruling party. The CPI(M) clearly did not have that support. Today the CPI(M) flags that have been planted forcefully on every house or nook-and-corner of Nandigram (even a graveyard!) symbolizes the continuation of the State terror that have been unleashed to enforce ‘peace’, ‘order’ and ‘normalcy’. But they know that in the eyes of all the people of Nandigram CPI(M) is nothing but a gang of killers, rapists, and betrayers. And that the silence of Nandigram today is nothing but the silence of graveyard, which is going to erupt in the future against the ruling social fascists.

The road ahead: The worst nightmare for the CPI(M) about the Nandigram movement has been that it has become an effective model of protest, which has the potential to snowball into a massive mass upsurge. It is evident by now that if Nandigram’s defiance to state terror and the resistance against the loot of land and livelihood for the sake of corporates and MNCs be emulated by all the movements that are brewing against SEZ and land grab policies, then it will be a serious threat to the imperialist policies pursued by the state. It is now for everybody to see that only a militant, armed peoples’ struggle has the possibility of putting up a meaningful resistance to the World Bank-IMF dictated juggernaut which goes by the convenient name of ‘development’, dispossessing, displacing and destroying tens of thousands of common peopleon its way: be it peasants, landless agricultural workers, or adivasis... And this is what is happening in Nandigram in Bengal, Jagdalpur (with the POSCO) in Orissa, in the mineral rich Bastar region of Chattisgarh, and so on. We as conscious students must stand up to the call of masses who are fighting a life and death battle against these anti-people policies, and the present State structure that is supporting them. It is for us now to make the choice to unite our voices and our struggles with that of the fighting people of the country.

DSU's Call for JNUSU's Protest Demonstration at UGC

December 7, 2007

Press Conference With the People of Nandigram at Delhi Press Club on 5 December 2007

Committee Against Violence on Women (CAVOW)

Anti-Imperialism Writers’ Forum (AIWF)

PRESS RELEASE

We all know that the people of Nandigram fought valiantly against the setting up of a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in their beloved villages by the Salem group of industries of Indonesia in collaboration with the notorious Dow Chemicals of the U.S. We also know that women of Nandigram stood in the forefront of this struggle. Thousands of women were humiliated, harassed, molested and raped in the carnage on 14 March and in the massacre between 6-12 November this year by the mercenary forces of the CPI(M) – the big brother of the ruling Left Front Government in West Bengal.

Planned Massacre: The November massacre in Nandigram shocked all of us. The brutalities this time far surpassed the January 3rd police firing and 14th March carnage. The entire build up to the November ‘recapture’ of Nandigram was planned to the dot by the top leadership of the CPI(M) party in close coordination with the top brass of the police and paramilitary. Lakshman Seth, the notorious MP from Haldia had hired goons who were raised as a private army and given military training with sophisticated weapons such as Insas rifles, AK-47 and SLRs. The belief that has been gaining ground is that they were trained by some armymen or ex-armymen. The whole operation started slowly on 28 October and gained momentum on 5 November and continued till 12 November when Sonachura and Gokulnagar were ravaged by the marauders. Throughout this period, all entry points through Chandipur, Reyapara, Kejuri/Bhangabera, Kapashberia/Teropaikhya, Takapura/Ranichowk, Tekhali/Moheshpur, Gokulnagar, Kendamari/Haldia were sealed by men under CPM and CITU banners. They were clearly on an “encirclement and suppression” campaign with the sole motto “kill, maim, burn and destroy”. The Dainik Statesman of 11-11-07 noted that all mobile towers in a radius of about 36 sq.kms from Bhangabera to Tekhali were jammed so that the news of what had been going on could not go outside (Dainik Statesman, 11-11-07). It clearly shows the complicity of the administration in the whole operation. Thousands of villagers were taken as hostages and later used as human shields to capture fresh areas with armed lumpens operating from behind.

The police force was neutralized; in reality, they were kept positively busy to see to it that whole operation became successful. The WB state with the active connivance of the central government abdicated to make room for the party-led butchers, rapists and mastans in the savage mission of ‘recapturing’ Nandigram. That the state backed the whole operation is also evident from the discovery of a packet full of bullets near Amgachhia Mirerbazar which had the marks of the ordnance factory--.303 X 8 mm remod cartridge priced Rs.438. Insas rifles having the date of manufacture recorded as 22-06-07 has also been published in the newspaper (Dainik Statesman, 11-11-070).

The torrid tale of Sibani Mondal: More and more instances of the savagery perpetrated by CPM Hermads are slowly coming to light. One such instance is the plight of Sibani Mondal, a resident of Gukulnagar village, one of the hundreds of victims kidnapped by CPM armed goons. The media also has reported her harrowing experience of 10 November. She was one of those who joined the procession led by the Bhumi Ucched Protirodh Committee(BUPC) at 12 noon from Sonachura. When the procession almost reached Moheshpur market area, they were greeted with hundreds of bullets. Many people standing in the front row, dropped down on the ground. Sibani along with some others fled towards the field and, in their hurry, got into a pond. She saw the armed goons forcing people to come out of their houses in Moheshpur and make them stand in a row. There were six rickshaw-vans on which the dead bodies lying on the streets were placed and taken towards Tekhali. Sibani along with about 600 others were taken to Amratola primary school in a procession with both hands placed on their heads.

When they reached the school, the hands and legs of the boys were bound with ropes with bamboos being placed through the hole and the ends of the bamboos placed on benches, so that heads lie below and legs on the upper side. They were beaten as brutally as possible. Hands were broken and heads were fractured. There were about 100 women in that group. Some goondas with their faces covered with cloth came to the women to identify those who were young. They picked up about 12 girls from them as the meat-seller picks up chicken from the basket and then vanished into darkness. Soon afterwards, wails of women were heard. This is only one of the many instances of murder, torture and mass rape perpetrated by the CPM cadres. Even an octogenarian was not spared. He was ordered to do othh bosh (i.e, sitting down and standing up) without any break. As he could not comply, he was hit hard on the head with a big bamboo stick to be killed.

Rape as an instrument of subjugation: The Dainik Statesman of 18-11-07 has related other instances of rape. Akhriza Bibi of Satengabari was raped by one Anup Karan alias Bacchu, the local CPM leader of Satengabari and Kanu. Bacchu was arrested by the CRPF and identified as a rapist by two close relatives of Akhriza bibi, named Sk.MOti and Sk.Sultan. Anup Karan led an armed group of 40 motorcyckists who went on a rampage and destroyed nearly 300 houses in Satengabari. Minati Patra of Gokulnagar lodged a complaint in Nandigram PS on 17-11-07 stating that she was gang-raped by 4/5 persons. The representatives of the National Human Rights Commission were also informed about it. Sk. Sufian, President of the BUPC complained that in Sonachura, Kanchannagar, Garchakraberia and Gokulnagar the CPM goons had been doing whatever they liked. Women were being tortured and molested under the leadership of Naba Samanta and Utpal Bhuiyan.The Dainik Statesman in its 25-11-07 issue reports that one Gouri Das, a housewife of Satengabari Village, works as a maid in Mumbai. She came back to her village on a leave. She complained to the media on 24 November that she joined the procession towards Moheshpur on 10-11-07. In the face of bullet-rains from the CPM Hermads, she also became wounded and eventually caught by them. Along with about 400 others, she was taken to Sherkhan Chowk in Khejuri. Some people picked her up and subjected her to all conceivable forms of sexual violence, humiliation and torture. She said to have reported that she was going to lodge the complaint with the police on 24 November as she had earlier been under constant surveillance by the CPM goons.

But for Brinda Karat, the polit bureau member of CPI(M) in Rajya Sabha this is not a case to be worried about or one should get distressed as there were only four cases of rape in Nandigram! Does it deem fit for a party like CPI(M) to belittle such a violent act by its cadre by saying that only four cases have been reported? Or does rape becomes authentic only when it is committed in hundreds and thousands?

This time, the CPI(M)'s 'recapture' of Nandigram unleashed a civil war wherein the people of Nandigram have fought till the end and continued to fight raising the banner of resistance high against the pro-imperialist policies of the Central Government and the West Bengal left-front Government.

Another intriguing and abominable act is the deafening silence of the first woman President of India over the atrocious brutalities on the valiant fighting women of Nandigram. As in Gujarat, here too, the state machinery is making it impossible for the women to file FIRs and follow the due process of law to get justice.

People evicted from Nandigram: According to Bhawani Prasad Das, BUPC leader, the number of homeless people is around 10,000. Many villages have been ravaged to the ground; property looted by the CPI(M) hoodlums. In Satengabari, only pet dogs could be seen around. In the representation of the BUPC to the BDO, the number of people rendered homeless and now staying in the relief camps in Nandigram Block1 stood at 1140. The National Human Rights Commission puts the figure at around 1,500. The total number of homeless people, as given in the BUPC account was 1,734; 37 villages were seriously affected out of which 9,255 became homeless. These people have taken shelter in the homes of their relatives in such places as Sagardwip, Pathorprotima, Kakdwip, Diamond Harbour, Howrah, Metiabruz, Garden Reach and Khidirpur in Kolkata and many areas of East Medinipur. Of these people, the figure for women stood at 3042; that for men at 4298 and that for children stood at 1905. The villages which the supporters of the BUPC had to leave are Satangabari, Ranichowk, Takapura, Keyakhali, Kamalpur, Sonachura, Gangra, Soudkhali, Gokulnagar, Simulkunda, Jambari, Brindabanchowk, Roynagar, Kanungochak, Moheshpur, Keshabpur, Parulbari, Kalicharanpur, Garchakraberia, Jalpai No.7, Jadubarichowk, Daudpur and Ratanpur.

Murder, arson, loot, plunder and gang-rape failed to quench the thirst of the CPI(M) Hermads. They have started to impose fines on the BUPC members, failing which they were forced to leave their villages. The fines ranged from Rs.2000 to Rs. 2, 00,000. The cases of Sheikh Mosu of Osmanchowk, Prajapati Jana of Garchakraberia, Lakshman Maiti of Subanichowk, Sriram Chandra Mandal of Sonachura and Manas Maiti and Bhoja Maiti have already come to light and more and more of such cases are pouring in. It is also reported that paddy belonging to the BUPC members are being looted by CPI(M) Hermads. Bartaman, the Bengali newspaper in its issue dated 21-11-07 reported that the paddy of Tapas Khatua of Gangra village(now undergoing treatment in the hospital) have been looted by a group of 15/20 goons from the morning of 20-11-07.

People forced to flee Nandigram are being hounded and arrested by the police on the pretext of being Maoists: The Association for the Protection of Democratic Rights in press statement dated 19-11-07 stated that three persons who were forced to leave Nandigram and took shelter in the home of their relative named Gurupada Munian were arrested on 13 November on the charge of being Maoists under sections 120, 120B, 121A,122,123,124A and 124B—which implies ‘waging war against the state’. They were Radheshyam Giri, Gouhari Mandal and Prakash Munian.They were mercilessly tortured and produced in the court after 48 hours on 15-11-07.

The struggle of Nandigram is not an internal fight between CPI(M) and the Trinamul Congress of Mamata Banerjee, as some sections of the press would like us to believe. It is a genuine anti-imperialist struggle against the sale of our resources through SEZs, neo-liberal global economic policies of the subservient ruling elite of our country.

Nandigram has become synonymous with every anti-imperialist struggle in the nook and corner of the country. Today, the most pressing issue before the country is displacement, whether it is through creating zones of foreign territories (SEZs), or through big industrial projects, large-scale mining, urban renewal projects, national parks or mega dams. This is not simply the displacement of people from their lands. This is a fundamental question related to the human being, their self-reliance which is the country's self-reliance. It is a fundamental question pertaining to the democratic fabric of our country. Nandigram and Singur in West Bengal, Jagatsinghpur of POSCO area, Kalinganagar and Kashipur of Orissa, Polavaram in Telangana, Bauxite mining in Vishakha agency in Andhra Pradesh, Navi Mumbai in Maharashtra, Noida or Gurgaon, Jhajhjar in Haryana and many other places in the country have become battle fields.

The people of Nandigram need woolen clothes, blankets, medicines and more so money to fetch food and essentials. Various units of CAVOW are collecting relief both in terms of cash and kind for the Nandigram victims, particularly for women. We have initiated a relief campaign along with other organizations. CAVOW, Delhi unit members will also join a team, which will go to Nandigram to distribute the relief. CAVOW and AIWF request you to stand by the struggling people of Nandigram.
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