16 November 2008

Public Meeting: Sri Lanka's Genocidal War on Eelam Tamils and the Question of Nation's Self-Determination

Self-determination of nations in the Marxist programme cannot, from a historico-economic point of view, have any other meaning than political self-determination, state independence, and the formation of a national state. - Lenin

Genocidal war on Eelam Tamils by the fascist Sri Lankan state: For the last two weeks, the Sri Lankan armed forces have been engaged in an aggressive war with the people of Tamil Eelam, aimed not only at the combatants but the entire civilian population. As a result, Thousands of Tamils have been killed, wounded and have been forcefully displaced. It is not a war between the Sri Lankan army and the LTTE as the mainstream media tries to portray, but is an attempt by the Sri Lankan state to wipe out the entire Tamil population from the island, in the cover of eliminating the LTTE. Schools, orphanages, hospitals had been made targets of indiscriminate aerial bombings by the Sri Lankan Air Force. For example, 61 children from “Sencholai” (Red Garden), a home for children who lost their parents in war, recently died in one such attack. Sri Lanka Army’s Deep Penetration Unit fired upon a civilian bus travelling from Madhu to Paalampiddi in January 2008 killing 20, of whom 11 were school children, and injured 14 out of whom eight were children. No civilian area has been spared by the air force, which are attacked on an everyday basis. Bunkers have become an inevitable infrastructure in all schools. It is as if the Sri Lankan government wants to create a graveyard in the whole of Tamil populated areas in the Eelam. Such an approach is consistent with the Sri Lankan President’s comment that this is the final assault to finish off the ‘terrorist’ LTTE, only after which it will think of any ‘talks’ with the Tamils! We have heard many times about the ‘final solution’ to the Tamil national question by Sri Lankan presidents through the use of brute force, but the Tamils fighting for their separate country has defeated the wars of aggression every time in the past. This time too, even with thousands of casualties, the Tamil people are bravely resisting the might of the Sri Lankan state, and this time too, its misadventure is bound to culminate in failure. The struggle of the Eelam Tamils for an independent country has emerged out of a historic experience of oppression and subjugation in the hands of the Singhalese nation. This reflects the political aspirations of the Tamil people to be free of Singhalese national oppression, and it can only have a political solution, and not a purely military one. It is therefore necessary for all the democratic voices to recognise and stand by the inalienable right of the Eelam Tamils to self-determination through secession from Sri Lanka, and to oppose the ongoing genocidal war of aggression by the Sri Lankan state on the freedom-aspiring Tamils in the northern and eastern parts of the island country.

The approach of the Sri Lankan state: Irrespective of the parties in power in Colombo, the response of the Singahlese ruling classes in Sri Lanka towards the democratic aspirations of the Tamils have primarily been through the use of brute force. In 1983 itself, the then President Jayawardene declared that “I am not worried about the opinion of the Tamil people …now we cannot think of them. not their life or their opinion …the more you put pressure in north, the happier the Sinhala people will be here… really if I starve the Tamils out, the Sinhala people will be happy”. From the time direct British colonial rule ended in 1948, the successive Singhalese governments have followed a consistent policy of national oppression and discrimination towards the Tamil minorities, denying their basic rights and opportunities for socio-economic development. Land settlement policies implemented from 1950s onwards displaced millions of Tamils in the northern and eastern districts such as Mannur and Mulai Thivu in a planned manner, which were then redistributed among Singhalese peasants and landless labourers. The Sri Lankan parliament declared Buddhism as the state religion, and pursued a policy of discrimination against other religious minorities. The ‘Sinhala-Buddhist Only Act’ formulated in 1956 declared Sinhala as the only official language, which was against the policy so far followed of recognizing both Sinhala and Tamil as state language. Further, in 1970, discrimination against Tamil youths pursuing higher studies in the name of standardization led to a drastic decline in their entry to government jobs. In 1979 the Sri Lankan state enacted the notorious Prevention of Terrorism Act to cope with the growing militancy among the Tamils. This Act and the subsequent crackdown by the army of Tamil youths confirmed the fears of the Tamils that the Sinhalese government was hell bent to exterminate them.

These are only a few examples from the history of a long-running process of calculated oppression and discrimination by the Sri Lankan state towards the Tamil minorities. The Tamils in Sri Lanka initially voiced their opposition peacefully to these oppressive and undemocratic policies, such as the mass resignation of Tamil MPs in 1956 and 1958, a series of demonstrations and strikes in Colombo, etc. The response of the Sri Lankan state then, as now, has been to unleash a reign of terror and brute force through the army on the agitating Tamil population, leading to the first major wave of Tamil refugees to the northern and eastern parts of the island in 1958. The state-sponsored massacre of hundreds of Tamils in 1983 made the question of self-determination through peaceful means decisively redundant, and pushed the Tamils in Sri Lanka to the path of armed struggle for national liberation of Eelam, a path made crimson by the blood of thousands of martyrs. This war has also helped the Sinhalese ruling classes in diverting the attention from the basic issues of livelihood and economic development of the people of the country in general, with a large part of the GDP spent in financing the exorbitant defense budget.

The Tamil national movement for an independent Eelam: With the democratic aspirations and demands of the national minority in Sri Lanka crushed ruthlessly, the Tamil parliamentary parties passed the historic Vettukottai Resolution in 1977 where demand for a separate Tamil Eelam was raised for the first time under the banner of Tamil United Liberation Front. From that time onwards, for more than 30 years the struggle for a separate Eelam is being waged by the Tamils, withstanding untold repression of the Sri Lankan armed forces which is aided directly or indirectly by Indian state and its imperial master, the U.S. The war imposed on the freedom-aspiring Tamils took genocidal proportions in 1995 and 2000, in 2002 when the ceasefire agreement was broken, and again now in 2008. The Sri Lankan state has violated agreements signed with the Tamil representatives over and over again, and now it is imposing the precondition of laying down arms, in one word surrender, before any negotiation. The Tamils have been facing the choice between fighting for freedom at the risk of death or living as slaves throughout the period of this decades-long war. The Tamils have been offered and they have rejected a negotiated settlement through international mediation many times in the past, which could have led to peace, but a peace without justice. An uncompromising struggle for national self-determination, the fight for a free Eelam has emerged as one of the foremost nationality movements in the world, which have been demonized and isolated by the present imperialist world order led by U.S. imperialism. Rather than recognizing and upholding the just demand of the Tamil national minority, the rulers of India represented by Congress, BJP or even the so-called communists CPI(M) has acted as the faithful South Asian agents of U.S. interests in repressing the Tamil Eelam movement.

Indian state, the faithful agent of U.S. imperialism in South Asia: India has been following an expansionist policy towards its neighbouring countries in South Asia, and has even militarily intervened more than once in their internal affairs. In Sri Lanka too, under this policy of furthering its own geo-political interests (which is tied to the interests of U.S. imperialism) Indian state initially supported the armed struggle of the Eelam Tamils. But soon the Indian state joined hands with the Sri Lankan government to suppress the movement, and sent the Indian Peace Keeping Force in 1986 which created mayhem in the Tamil populated areas in Sri Lanka, killing, raping and maiming thousands. After a complete military defeat of the Indian mercenary army it was forced to retreat, but Indian ruling classes, irrespective of the party in power, has till date continued full diplomatic and military support to the fascist Sri Lankan state. Pranab Mukherjee, the defence minister has this week stated that India will not stop military aid to Sri Lanka, and expressed its willingness to help the Rajapakshe government in carrying out the present genocide of Tamils. A Sri Lankan army official has recently revealed that Sri Lankan military officers are being trained in Dehradun and Gurgaon military camps by the Indian army. But this is not all. According to some media reports, hundreds of Indian military personnel are directly involved in the present war, serving in Sri Lankan armed forces in advanced battle fronts. Such overt and covert support is not surprising, given the Indian state’s anti-democratic and pro-imperialist character, which itself has been crushing the genuine demands of various nationalities, such as Kashmiris, Nagas, Manipuris and Assamese and others within its territorial boundaries through the use of superior military might. It is not possible for Sri Lanka to continue its war against the Tamil national minorities without the approval of the Indian state, and Rajapakshe’s constant visits to New Delhi of late makes it clear that Indian government is actively supporting the present war. And being the foremost custodian of U.S. interests in South Asia, it is not difficult to conclude that India is given a go-ahead in this by Washington itself.

The so-called Marxist parties such as CPI, CPI(M) or CPI ML (Liberation) too has abandoned the Leninist principle of supporting the democratic demand of national self-determination, including secession, and have failed to force the Indian state from following a policy of non-intervention in Sri Lanka. They are equally responsible for castigating the movement for Tamil Eelam as ‘terrorism’, thereby helping in its brutal repression. Major regional parties in Tamil Nadu, whether DMK or AIDMK which never fails to celebrate Tamil nationalism to garner votes, have utterly failed to take any decisive action to prevent the ongoing massacre and displacement of thousands of Tamils in Eelam. Close to than 60,000 people have died and nearly 3 lakh have been displaced so far during this war, most of whom are Tamils. The media also has played its devious role in hiding the true situation of Eelam Tamils, which is uncritically presenting the biased versions spoon-fed by the Sri Lankan government, or completely blacking out this calculated extermination of an entire population in the name of ‘war against terror’. The Indian media, such as the casteist and Brahmanical Hindu group run by N. Ram, too is guilty of justifying this brutal repression, rather than building a public opinion against this unceasing cold-blooded massacre of hundreds of civilians on an everyday basis.

The need of the Hour: The Sri Lankan government, in its attempt to silently carry out this latest military misadventure to sniff out the Tamil resistance, has expelled all humanitarian agencies including the Red Cross as well as the international media from the war front. Of late the Sri Lankan forces have also stopped providing data about casualties in the ongoing war. Such criminal attempts of systematically silencing democratic and genuine rights of the people by use of force will inevitably fail. We must demand an immediate and unconditional declaration of cease-fire from the Sri Lankan government and a stop to the genocide in Tamil Eelam. At the same time, following the principles of Marxism-Leninism, which stands unequivocally in favour of the right to self-determination of the oppressed nationalities, we must raise our voice in support of the demand of Eelam Tamils for independence. It is high-time that the Sri Lankan and Indian ruling classes as well as their master U.S. realize that only a free and independent Tamil Eelam can ensure permanent resolution to the nationality question in Sri Lanka, and only a unity based on justice and equality of the two nations can usher in peace in the island. Moreover, only an integration of the revolutionary class struggle with the national liberation struggles can effectively fight feudalism and imperialism, two primary enemies of the people in the Third World countries.


11 November 2008

Condemn the attack on Prof. S A R Geelani by ABVP lumpens in Delhi University! Punish the ABVP lumpens!

The communal fascist lumpens of the ABVP and RSS unmasked their fascist face yet again in DU. On the 6th of November, a seminar on ‘Communalism, Fascism and Democracy: Rhetoric and Reality’ was organised by a group of DU students. SAR Geelani, lecturer of Zakir Hussein College and DU was chairing the seminar. As soon as Prof. Geelani entered, some ABVP lumpens entered the hall. One of them went up to the dais and spat on Geelani’s face. The rest led by Nupur Sharma, the DUSU president, went on a rampage across the room, breaking the mikes, furniture and glass panes of doors and windows. The police being a silent onlooker, finally the students pushed these goons out of the room. The doors were closed from inside and the seminar went on successfully. The lumpens however kept breaking the remaining windows from outside and hurled abuses against Geelani in particular and the Muslim community in general.

What happened in DU did not come as a shock or a surprise. It was indeed the continuation of what happened in DU history department last semester when these same goons vandalized it and assaulted its HoD Prof. Jafri, because they did not agree with a portion of the history syllabus. It is the same communal and fascist ideology that propelled their friends in JNU to go on rampage in the presidential debate last year because they did not agree with a statement made by a speaker. And all this makes their fascist ideology too clear for everyone to see. You can not say things which I don’t agree to! You can not practice a religion which I don’t belong to! If you demand anything which I don’t like, you are a terrorist! It is the same politics of silencing people of different faith, ideology or culture which we have seen in so many instances of communal pogroms.

However the politics of the sangh parivar is NOT one of communalism alone. It is equally casteist and patriarchal. The same fascist ideology that led into the mass killing of Muslims with the help of the state in Gujarat was operating behind the mass murder of dalits in Jehanabad or Laxmanpur-Bathe. It was the same people who mass-raped in Jhabua, who try to force women to become sati even today. They are the same lot who in the name of salwa judum are trying to force the tribals out of the forests in Bastar to capture the land for the MNCs. The practice of whipping up of communal sentiments to cover up the lack of real development in every aspect of social lives of this country had been an old and regular tactic for the Indian ruling classes. The right wing parties, be it the Congress or the BJP and their various allies have always used the communal card to misdirect the real grievances of the people reeling under deplorable conditions. Just like the Nazis did with the Jews in Germany, the Hindutva brigade picks out the Muslim community as the scapegoat for all the problems, real or imaginary. And then we have the Mosque demolitions; the post-Ayodhya riots; Gujarat genocide; the mysterious bomb blasts and the fake encounters… The list seems never-ending.

They have full backing of the administration and the state. Be it JNU or even DU these lumpens are not large in number. But they are emboldened because of the institutionalized protection they are ensured of. In JNU after a prolonged enquiry and despite a positive report by the Shankar Basu Committee, all the identified goons of the ABVP who had done the rampage in presidential debate were let off. The Chandrabhaga hostel incident has been hushed up completely by the administration. In DU too no action has been taken against the goons who vandalized History department. And the larger scenario of state sponsored communal-fascism is too evident by now. The Gujarat genocide was made possible by the active involvement of the state machinery. The salwa judum has been created and armed by the state to forcefully evict the tribals. The Malegaon and Nanded blasts have not called for any action against the accused.

Playing the game of ‘democracy’: 60 years since the so-called independence and the role reversals of NDA and UPA for the last ten years only exposes the communal colour of the parliamentary parties. Be it the right or the “left”-wing, the Muslims Christians other religious minorities in this ‘democracy’ are vested with only two identities. They are either vote-bank or terrorist to all the parties that are in or are craving for power. The parliamentary ‘Left’ has equally failed to see the communal specter being rooted into the material conditions of the society. This willful blindness is understandable, because they too are intrinsically a part of the same system that breeds the fascists. Naturally, their opposition to the hindu right is restricted to supporting the Congress in place of BJP! The same congress, whose neo-liberal policies create the ground for communal-fascism. Buddhadev Bhatatcharya is following the same policy in his state in a bid to woo investors. And in the process when it comes to repression, they quickly adopt the same politics of communal-fascism. The peasants of Nandigram who were fighting for their land were termed both ‘Maoist’ and ‘Islamic fundamentalist’ by the CPM government. Kerala government too recently has arrested two people who had Geelani’s photo on their computer, as potential terrorists!

Then there are the parliamentary exigencies. The so-called ‘left’ parties (actually, all parties) frequently ally with former or future partners of BJP, making a mockery of the struggle against communalism. Even the more-radical-than-thou CPIML-Liberation (the parent party of AISA) who have been courting the CPI & CPM for national level alliances, ended up allying with Nitish Kumar’s Samata party, who went on to join the NDA and now rules Bihar. Liberation’s ally in the last Bihar assembly elections, Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJP is a former ally of BJP. Such is the magic of India’s parliamentary politics!

There is only force that the Sanghi lumpens are scared of. It is the collective strength of the people. Unless we protest, we assert, force them to retreat, they will keep assaulting the democratic spaces and try to throttle all the voices that seek to challenge them. The attack on SAR Geelani was not just an attack on an individual. It is a concerted attack on our right to expression and dissent, on rights of people to challenge the state-driven policies. We have to decide which side we are on!

Condemn the attack on Prof. S A R Geelani by the ABVP!

Demand punishment of the ABVP goons!

Resist the communal-fascist politics of the sangh-giroh!

Fight against the Indian state’s witch-hunt of Muslims in the name of fighting ‘Islamic terrorism’!

Stand in solidarity with the people of Orissa, Karnataka, Gujarat

and other places fighting against communal-fascist RSS-VHP-BJP!

Join

PROTEST

MARCH

9.30pm 10 Nov . 2008 (Tonight)

From Ganga Dhaba, JNU





7 November 2008

Condemn the assault and vandalism of the fascist ABVP-RSS in Delhi Univesity!

Today on 6th of November students and teachers of Delhi University organised a public meeting on Communalism, Fascism and Democracy: Rhetoric and Reality at Arts Faculty. Ajit Sahi, Tehelka reporter, Rajesh Ramchandran, Mail Today reporter, Nishat Quaisar of Jamia Milia Islamia were among the speakers. As the Chair of the meeting, when SAR Geelani (lecturer at Zakir Husain College, University of Delhi), came inside the room and took his seat, one of the ABVP lumpens sitting in the front row came forward and spat on his face twice. It was a planned attempt to disrupt and vandalise the public meeting – ABVP goons were sitting inside the room and they rose to hurl abuses at the participants and physically attack them. DUSU President Nupur Sharma (of ABVP) was leading the fascist mob. The ABVP lumpens entered the room and declared that SAR Geelani could not speak!

The ABVP goons attacked the women students and participants, broke the microphone and hurled chairs. They also manhandled media persons who were covering the meeting. Sahi and Ramchandran, who were speakers at the meeting, were threatened by the communal-fascist goons. At this point, the Pro-Vice Chancellor and the Proctor called one of the organisers and told him that the meeting could not go on because it was creating a 'law and order' problem! It was the courage and resistance of the audience who insisted on continuing the meeting that even after such intimidation, threats and open display of vandalism that the meeting could be continued. The ABVP goons were pushed out of the room by the audience and the meeting continued. The lumpens however continued to throw stones at the room, broke window panes, tried to break the doors and hurled abuses on the speakers and the organizers in the presence and support of a large contingent of Delhi Police. SAR Geelani in particular was targeted. All their attempts at scuttling the meeting however ended in failure and Geelani delivered his speech to an applauding audience, much like in JNU where the ABVP lumpens had to flee due to the collective resistance of the university community. It is to be noted that last year too, the faculty members and students of the Delhi University History Department were targeted by the same goons who are yet to be punished.

The communal-fascist politics of the sangh-giroh in Gujarat, Orissa, Karnataka, Jammu and other parts of the country was in display today in Delhi University. The state and its security forces have been shielding and helping in their crimes against religious minorities in particular and against the democratic rights of the people in general. This politics has to be fought back at all levels, much like the students and teachers of DU did today. We call upon the JNU students to join a protest march on 7 Nov at Delhi University at 11:00 am, starting from Vivekananda statue, Arts Faculty, DU organized by the Delhi University Community against the fascist politics of the sangh-parivar with the support of Delhi Police, and to demand that:

1. The DU administration lodge a FIR against the ABVP culprits, especially persons like Nupur Sharma, Vikas Dahiya, Desh Ratan, Sonu Singh, Ashutosh and others.

2. A time-bound enquiry into today’s act of vandalism and assault and action against the guilty.

3. To ensure that such acts of assault and disruption are not repeated in future

2 November 2008

A University that does not allow dissent becomes a prison!

The recent stay on JNUSU elections for violation of the Lyngdoh recommendations is yet another instance of direct state intervention to curb democratic movements, of students this time, to crush the voices of dissent. This is yet another attempt of the state to depoliticize students’ politics and to curtail our rights question and protest.

Is Lyngdoh really aiming at curbing money and muscle power as many would like us to believe? Well, the Amicus Curie in Supreme Court who is entitled to oversee the violations of Lyngdoh Committee recommendations has not sent a single letter to the universities that have not started election process following the recommendations of the report or to the universities like DU which have openly and blatantly flouted the recommendations by using as much money and muscle power as it used to do. But it did stay the JNUSU elections because the real aim of Lyngdoh is to curb politicization of the students and create students’ unions which are bureaucratized, depoliticized and works as a puppet of university authorities. Where students’ politics is cocooned within a limited frame and not allowed to debate, discuss and vote on issues of social and political importance.

All laws come with a ‘progressive face’. No laws formulated and implemented by the state openly claims to repress. The POTA, TADA, MCOCA etc where brought forward to ensure ‘national integrity’. The AFSPA was brought with the pretext of ‘national security’, the SEZ act came in with the aim of ‘development’. But these laws are actually aimed to repress, to deny the democratic rights to the people, to throttle the voices of dissent, and to liquidate people’s movements against the powers that be. The Lyngdoh committee recommendations with all its so-called progressive aims are ultimately aimed at curbing the democratic movements of the students and to silence the voices of critique and dissent that emerges through these movements.

Is it a matter that concerns the ‘political lot’ of JNU only? The stay on JNUSU election is not just an order against the election process. It is a direct assault on the students’ movement and politics. And politics in this campus is far wide spread than just elections. Some people say Lyngdoh has praised the JNU model. But that model is not only about the technicalities that ensure a money-muscle free peaceful election. It is an evolved model of political consciousness, of the culture of debate, the courage to question and critique anything, the right to protest and to fight for rights and justice, to fight against oppression and injustice. And not surprisingly these are the things that Mr.Lyngdoh’s recommendations ultimately aim to curb. JNU student movement has fought against the way JNU is being subtly corporatised, against the monopoly of nestle outlet, when workers’ rights are openly being violated, when reservation is craftily denied, when communal lumpens are shielded by the administration. Any issues pertaining to students’ welfare, be it the fight against privatization of the university, fight against fee-hike, fight to build new hostels, to hike the MCM amount, to recognize Alimiyat –Fazilat certificates, or the fight to ensure and regularize scholarships etc. have all been clinched with collective struggles of students and under the banner of JNUSU. And all these struggles were political fights against a casteist, communal and patriarchal administration which is hell-bent on corporatising and eventually privatizing the university in due course as per the Birla-Ambani Report. Lyngdoh and his reactionary recommendations are only here to facilitate that. The rich political debates on campus where students not only build their opinions but also vote on the larger questions of imperialist aggression, on state repression, the neo-economic policies, the nuke deal, SEZs, land grab and the fight against it, the movements on nationality question etc. are also contradictory to the ‘integrationist’ and ‘nationalist’ politics that Mr. Lyngdoh recommends.

The way ahead: The stay on JNUSU elections has to be vacated in the court through a legal battle. But so far no stay order on any students’ union has been won in the court only. The legal battle will have to go parallel with a strong political battle exposing the real intentions of the state intervention in students’ politics. It is NOT money-muscle power and criminalization of students politics that they seek to attack. It is the politicization of students’ politics, our right to protest and dissent that they seek to assault. And JNU is not the first university that is standing against the reactionary recommendations of Lyngdoh. The SU elections of Allahabad University have been stayed on the pretext of ‘preparing formalities conducive for Lyngdoh recommendations’ for the last two years. The students of Kanpur and Lucknow University have been brutally lathi-charged by the police while they were protesting against the implementation of the same. It is by rejecting the Lyngdoh recommendations everywhere in toto and fighting against the all forms of state’s repression that we can democratize students’ politics and our present society.
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