July 14, 2012
Unmask and defeat the opportunist gangs CPI(M)-SFI and Liberation-AISA!
The
upcoming presidential elections have thrown up a kind of political turmoil
which is unprecedented for the election to an insignificant rubber-stamp post like
that of the president. The
presidential post is widely considered to be a last refuge for loyal ruling-
class politicians who are given an honorable retirement from active political
life. Congress’s decision to send Pranab Mukherjee to political asylum by
nominating him for the president’s post appears to be an exception from the rule,
given that he has been a key cabinet minister of the ruling UPA and one of its
most powerful troubleshooters till recently. In his political career as a
Congress functionary and a cabinet minister, Pranab Mukherjee has served as a
loyal lackey of the ruling classes of the country and continued to prostrate
before imperialism – be it US imperialism, social-imperialist USSR or the
European powers. Of late, however, he antagonised the big Indian and foreign
corporations, and hence the imperialist powers, by introducing certain policy
measures through the Union Budget 2012, most importantly being the GAAR
(General Anti-Avoidance Rule). For this, he was removed from the post of
finance minister by the ruling clique under the diktats of US imperialism.
Congress’s choice of the presidential candidate also needs to be understood as
a symptom of the growing contradictions within the ruling classes and as one
more proof of their complete servility to the imperialist interests.
The
farcical drama surrounding the presidential polls has once again exposed the
political bankruptcy of parliamentary ‘left’ parties like CPI(M) and CPI(ML)
Liberation. All ruling-class
parties in parliamentary politics have taken the alliances built around the
presidential candidates to be the precursor to the next general elections
scheduled for 2014. This explains the intense lobbying among the parliamentary
parties of all hues and the media frenzy created around this time’s presidential
poll. The official ‘left’ parties of the country too – being representatives of
the Indian ruling classes – are very much part of this rabidly opportunist and
politically bankrupt electoral game. CPI(M)’s justification for supporting
Pranab Mukherjee, for instance, is purportedly to drive a wedge between
Congress and Trinamool Congress, keeping in mind the prospects of the next
assembly elections in Bengal. This ‘tactical’ move, CPI(M) believes, will help
it to come back as the ruling party of Bengal! So its decision is based on pure
electoral calculation aimed at coming back to power in Bengal. Such
considerations have always dictated the practice of social-fascist CPI(M) throughout
its fifty years of history. Therefore it is hardly surprising to find CPI(M) opportunistically
tailing behind the Congress candidate.
CPI and
CPI(ML) Liberation on the other hand have declared that for the sake of
‘strengthening Left unity’ they must take the ‘principled’ stand of
‘abstaining’ from the vote.
Liberation-AISA has criticized CPI(M) for betraying this ‘alliance of
abstainers’, even though it also knows that their abstention is going to be
totally inconsequential in determining the outcome of the polls. Nor such a
position by Liberation is based on any class politics that goes beyond the
arithmetic of parliamentary elections. Liberation is miffed with CPI(M) because
its long-cherished dream of having an all-India electoral alliance with CPI(M)
and other ‘communist’ parties under the garb of ‘Left unity’ has met another
setback due to CPI(M)’s refusal to buy its bogey of ‘abstention’. It hardly
matters for Liberation and other ‘left’ parliamentary parties that the sham
‘debate’ of whether to ‘support’ Pranab Mukherjee or to ‘abstain’ from voting
has no relevance whatsoever for the oppressed people of the country. It is a
drama enacted by the ruling classes to delude the masses and to divert attention
from their life and death struggles. The parliamentary ‘left’ has faithfully
played its role in this facile ruling-class drama, albeit as insignificant
characters.
AISA
and SFI in JNU are the miniature versions of their degenerate, anti-people and
reactionary parent parties CPI(ML) Liberation and CPI(M). This has been proved once again by the recent
developments in the students’ politics in the campus surrounding the
presidential polls. The ‘debate’ in the campus was triggered by the resignation
of Prasenjit Bose, a former leader of SFI-JNU, ‘criticising’ certain ‘mistakes’
of CPI(M) from 2007 onwards. Bose argues that CPI(M)’s support to Pranab
Mukherjee will ‘damage’ the party and compromise ‘Left unity’, and hence
suggests that CPI(M) should abstain from the presidential polls. Since this was
exactly what CPI(ML) Liberation was desperately trying to tell CPI(M), AISA in
JNU and Liberation outside the campus went all out to ‘welcome’ with open arms
the ‘principled’ and ‘daring’ act of ‘Comrade’ Prasenjit Bose! AISA brought out
posters in the campus hailing Bose without uttering a single word of criticism
against his reactionary role of publicly defending and justifying every
repressive and anti-people act of CPI(M). The manner in which Liberation-AISA
fell head over heels to hailing Prasenjit Bose describing his latest stand as
‘political’ and ‘principled’, etc. only goes to show the level of
Liberation-AISA’s degeneration, willfully ignoring that till yesterday Bose was
a rabid CPI(M) mouthpiece. Not stopping at that, AISA through a series of
posters launched a sustained campaign to instigate SFI-JNU to support Prasenjit
Bose’s stand and to ‘revolt’ against CPI(M).
Prasenjit
Bose’s resignation drama has nothing to do with principles or genuine
self-reflection as Liberation-AISA wants us to believe. A moribund symptom of the present crisis-ridden
ruling class is that many arch-opportunists within the parliamentary ‘left’
have emerged from its ranks with their newfound ‘critiques’! Prasenjit Bose is
one of such individual who has cleverly couched his opportunistic abandoning of
CPI(M) in an ideological-political rhetoric. Bose, a former leader of SFI in
JNU and a mouthpiece of CPI(M) till very recently, resigned from CPI(M)
supposedly opposing his party’s decision to support Pranab Mukherjee, which later
led to his expulsion from CPI(M). He seems to have suddenly woken up and realised
that certain acts of CPI(M) from 2007 onwards were wrong and had alienated the
party from the “basic classes”. As Bose writes in his resignation letter, “I
consider [CPI(M)’s support to Pranab Mukherjee] to be a grave error which will
harm the Party and disturb Left unity. The
Party leadership has committed one mistake after another since 2007 -
coercive land acquisition in West Bengal, the Nandigram police firing, allowing
the UPA government to approach the IAEA with the nuclear deal, giving a call
for a non-Congress secular government in 2009…”. He also complains that CPI(M)
has failed to learn from its ‘mistakes’ or to ‘rectify’ itself in the last five
years, leading to one electoral defeat of CPI(M) after another. According to him,
the culmination of CPI(M)’s politics of ‘right-deviation’ is the party’s
support to Pranab Mukherjee for the titular presidential post. But in taking this
self-styled ‘principled stand’ on the presidential elections, Prasenjit Bose has
willfully covered up CPI(M)’s criminal past, during which it emerged as a
social-fascist force representing the Indian ruling classes, serving imperialism
as a loyal agent, and repressing the oppressed classes through ruthless
violence. It is none other than Prasenjit Bose himself who had publicly
defended each and every act of fascist repression perpetrated by CPI(M) and its
Harmad gangs not merely since 2007 – be it in Nandigram or in Lalgarh – but
from 1960s onwards. His ‘critique’ of CPI(M) on the non-issue of presidential
polls and Liberation-AISA’s subsequent celebration of ‘Comrade’ Bose therefore
smacks of crass opportunism and hypocrisy.
Prasenjit
Bose’s latest political gimmick and Liberation-AISA’s continuous incitement
prompted SFI-JNU to pass a GBM resolution against CPI(M)’s support to Pranab
Mukherjee. SFI-JNU’s resolution,
following the cue from Bose and Liberation-AISA, has predictably ‘criticised’
CPI(M) for ‘disrupting Left unity’. Describing CPI(M)’s position as
‘unconvincing’, SFI-JNU implicitly declared its support to Liberation-AISA’s
position of ‘abstention’, stating that “The decision to abstain taken by other
Left Parties would have been appropriate in the given situation” (SFI-JNU
resolution of 5 July). SFI-JNU went a step ahead and in its pamphlet of 7 July justified
its right to have a position ‘independent’ of CPI(M), and pointed to the
so-called “structural break” in SFI’s history in JNU from 2007 onwards. The
marker of this “structural break” for SFI-JNU is nothing but its defeat in
JNUSU elections in 2007, a trend which it believes has continued till 2012.
SFI-JNU has squarely blamed CPI(M)’s repression of Singur and Nandigram
movements as the reason for its defeats in JNUSU elections, claiming that “these
developments have eroded the SFI’s support base among the progressive and
democratic minded students”. In the name of ‘forthright positions’, SFI-JNU
even tried to sum up the experience of the international Communist movement by
claiming that “one of the major shortcomings of the socialist experiments of
the 20th century was to address the questions of democracy, civil liberties,
freedom of expression and tolerance towards political dissent” – an argument
repeated ab nausium by the
revisionists and opportunists all over the world. All such assertions leave no
one in doubt that SFI-JNU’s ‘critique’ of CPI(M) is entirely based on its
calculations for the JNUSU elections. SFI-JNU believes that to reverse the
defeats in JNUSU elections, it has to now distance itself from CPI(M) and its
past crimes.
Even
with this latest ‘distancing’ and ‘dissident’, SFI-JNU is nothing but a new
avatar of its old self. SFI-JNU
is unable and unwilling to break the umbilical chord that ties it with the
reactionary and social-fascist politics of CPI(M). Nor SFI-JNU’s present anti-CPI(M)
stance a reflection of any genuine attempt at self-reflection and
rectification, because its ‘dissent’ is dictated purely by the considerations
of victory and defeat in JNUSU elections. It is nothing but crass opportunism to
conveniently put the entire blame of SFI’s electoral defeat in JNUSU elections
from 2007 on the ‘mistakes’ of its parent party, without accepting its own dark
history of anti-student politics in the campus. The students of this campus
will not allow SFI-JNU to conveniently forget its past betrayals. While in
JNUSU, SFI-JNU facilitated the entry of the Nestle outlet into JNU in 2004 and
defended the corporatization of the campus, it sided with NSUI and ABVP in
opposing the students of the campus who showed black flags to Manmohan Singh
when the World Bank-appointed PM visited JNU in 2005. SFI-JNU betrayed the
united struggle of workers and students in 2007 by demanding Proctorial enquiry
and punishment for protesting students. JNUSU office bearers from SFI submitted
apology letters to the VC along with AISA’s office bearers in JNUSU after the
registrar was confronted by students demanding worker’s rights. SFI-JNU
betrayed the struggle against the imposition of user charges and electric
meters in 2010. It backstabbed the united anti-Lyngdoh struggle by surrendering
to the Solicitor General in the name of ‘negotiations’ and helped impose
Lyngdoh on JNUSU elections. These are only a few glaring samples of SFI’s
‘glorious legacy’ within this campus!
Can it put the blame for such opportunist and anti-student acts on CPI(M)? Students
of JNU have rejected SFI as much for
its misdeeds in the campus as for the crimes of social-fascist CPI(M) outside.
Now
that ‘SFI-JNU’ has been summarily dissolved and its four leading members
expelled by SFI’s all-India committee, ‘SFI-JNU’ is crying hoarse against CPI(M)
brand of ‘authoritarianism’. But this is the method in which CPI(M) and its affiliate organisations
have dealt with political opposition within its ranks and outside all along in
its history. Why have SFI-JNU realized only now that they have been treated in
an ‘authoritarian’ and ‘undemocratic’ manner? Does it believe that CPI(M)’s
actions against the Naxalites in the 1960s-70s, against the people of
Marisjhapi, Singur, Nandigram, Chengara, Lalgarh etc. were democratic? What is
their position on CPI(M)’s support to the UPA government in 2004, in which Pranab
Mukherjee was a key player and one of the prominent cabinet ministers? Will not
now SFI-JNU accept that CPI(M) was willfully complicit in all the anti-people
and reactionary policies of the Indian state, be it the passing of the
notorious SEZ bill or the rampant sell-out of the public sectors in the name of
disinvestment, the passing and strengthening of the draconian UAPA and AFSPA,
witch-hunt of Muslims in the name of ‘fighting terrorism’, implementing the
fascist Operation Green Hunt in West Bengal, and so on? Is SFI-JNU also opposed
to CPI(M)’s complete surrender to imperialist capital and its luring of MNCs to
make investments in CPI(M)-governed states at the cost of the land and lives of
peasants and workers? Shouting from rooftops about ‘authoritarian’ and
‘undemocratic’ nature of CPI(M) when forced into a corner, but not raising even
a whisper of opposition against CPI(M)’s social-fascist policies from 1960s
till 2007 and thereafter, is sheer opportunism and political bankruptcy which
both SFI-JNU and Prasenjit Bose are guilty of. Their latest political
somersault is symptomatic of the bickering and power struggles that have
afflicted all ruling-class parliamentary parties in India.
CPI(ML)
Liberation-AISA’s opportunist and bankrupt politics of fishing in the troubled
waters needs to be unmasked. As if they were waiting with bated breath for the occasion, Liberation-AISA
‘welcomed’ wholeheartedly SFI-JNU’s anti-CPI(M) position without uttering a
single word of criticism for the ‘dissenting’ SFI-JNU, much like they welcomed
‘Comrade Prasenjit Bose’ (AISA’s poster, 8 July). AISA probably was hoping that
the ‘dissident’ SFI will split from CPI(M) and join the rag-tag NGO-ised ‘Left
movement’ fabricated by its parent party CPI(ML) Liberation! It was only when
SFI-JNU retorted back at AISA’s holier-than-thou sermonizing on the need for “a
resolute struggle for a Left movement”, CPI(M)’s “right deviation” and its
“erosion of mass base”, CPI(M)’s intolerance of political opposition etc.
(SFI-JNU pamphlet, 9 July), that AISA-Liberation made a u-turn from their
earlier position of blindly eulogizing SFI-JNU’s ‘opposition’ to CPI(M), and
made some ‘critique’ of SFI-JNU. AISA thereafter took the responsibility of
imparting lessons of ‘correct Marxist politics’ and ‘rectification classes’ to
the ‘independent’ SFI-JNU unit, while declaring in a self-congratulatory mode
that “thankfully, we [Liberation-AISA] we do not have to correct any right-wing
policy deviation that has crept into our line” (AISA, 10 July)!
AISA
shamelessly peddles such self-serving lies even after its parent party
Liberation has opportunistically betrayed the political line of
Marxism-Leninism and armed agrarian revolution ushered in by Naxalbari. This was done in order to enter the quagmire of
parliamentary politics. Is it not
right opportunism – in other words, revisionism – in the garb of Marxism,
‘comrades’?! Has AISA forgotten about Liberation’s electoral alliance with the
same CPI(M) in Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttarakhand, etc., whom they are now claiming
to be “right-deviationists”? Why have they allied with CPI(M), which is guilty
of Singur, Nandigram, “murder of TP Chandrashekhar”, etc.? When AISA accuses of
CPI(M)’s alliance with Jayalalitha, Chandrabau Naidu, Naveen Patnaik – all
former NDA partners – do we need to remind them that Liberation too had allied
with Samata party in 1990s in Bihar headed by Nitish Kumar – presently an
important NDA ally? In ‘criticising’ SFI-JNU for the compromises it has made in
the campus, does AISA want the students to forget about their own dark history
of betrayals of the students’ movement, almost on every occasion in connivance
with SFI-JNU? Who doesn’t know about AISA-SFI’s joint efforts to impose the
draconian Lyngdoh regulations on the JNUSU elections and the betrayal of the
JNUSU Constitution? This is just the latest example of AISA’s understanding of
‘Left unity’! The shadow-boxing of these two revisionist organisations, AISA
and SFI-JNU, first indulging in unrestrained bonhomie and camaraderie while
‘critiquing’ CPI(M), but soon breaking into an opportunist slanging match to
outdo each other, cannot hide AISA-SFI’s shared political basis of ruling-class
opportunism and hypocrisy.
It is this degenerate and unscrupulous politics
of revisionism and opportunism that allows Liberation-AISA to remain shrewdly
silent on the dissolution of the ‘dissident’ SFI-JNU unit and the expulsion of
its four leading members. Why has AISA not stood with their ‘comrades’ in
SFI-JNU or even ‘Comrade’ Prasenjit Bose when they were ‘penalised’ for
opposing CPI(M) in a ‘principled’ manner, which AISA had so wholeheartedly
welcomed? Is this the sample of Liberation-AISA’s much-touted idea of ‘Left
unity’? Such opportunism of Liberation-AISA stems from betraying the cause of
the oppressed classes to serve ruling-class interests through parliamentary
politics. The truth is that Liberation-AISA is just another variant of
CPI(M)-SFI in the garb of Marxism-Leninism, mired neck-deep in the
parliamentary quagmire. This brand of reactionary ‘left’ politics has to be relentlessly
and resolutely exposed and finally defeated for the success of the struggle for
a revolutionary social transformation.
Condemn the massacre of 20 adivasi villagers by the fascist Indian state!
It
has been more than a week since the paramilitary forces of the Indian state
committed one of the most brutal massacres of the adivasis of central India: On the night of 28 June last month,
around six hundred CRPF Cobra commandos along with Chhattisgarh police
surrounded a meeting at Sirkegudem village in Bijapur district of South Bastar
from three sides and fired upon the unarmed people indiscriminately, and
murdered 17 of them. Many of them died of wounds caused by sharp weapons, which
shows that the paramilitary forces hacked many of the adivasi villagers to
death. More than 6 adivasis were seriously wounded in this state-sponsored
bloodbath. Five of the killed were children of less than 15 years of age. One
of the children killed, named Kaka Saraswati was merely 12 years of age. After
perpetrating this gruesome massacre, the CRPF loaded the dead bodies in a
tractor and sent to Basuguda, the nearest police station and CRPF base camp.
The next morning the forces shot dead one Ramesh in front of his father Irpa
Raju. These mercenary gangs in uniform subsequently broke open Raju’s house and
looted Rs.5000 as well. At least four adivasi women were molested, sexually
assaulted and threatened with rape by the marauding forces. Irpa Chottu, a 14
year old adivasi boy of Sirkegudem told reporters that he was caught by the
armed forces, interrogated and subsequently shot in his leg. Several villagers
present in the meeting have been arrested and framed as ‘hardcore armed
Maoists’. Just thirty kilometres away from the place of this massacre, in
Jagargunda village of Sukma district two villagers were killed by the CRPF in
the same night, and were later claimed as Maoists killed in an ‘encounter’.
Goebbelsian
lies of the rulers cannot hide the truth of their fascist repression: To cover up this heinous mass murder
in Bijapur, the CRPF, Chhattisgarh police and their political masters in New
Delhi and Raipur immediately floated the lie that the forces fired ‘in
self-defence’ when they were fired upon by armed Maoists assembled in the
meeting, and that all the people killed are hardened Maoists. The massacre was
claimed as the ‘biggest military victory’ against the Maoist movement till
date, while the brutal assault was lauded as a ‘daring operation’. Chidambaram,
the fascist home minister and the architect of Operation Green Hunt, patted the
armed forces and went to the extent of propagating the lie that three important
Maoist leaders were killed in this ‘encounter’. The CRPF also claimed that six
of their personnel sustained bullet injuries during the ‘encounter’, thereby
trying to hard-sell the lie that armed cadres were present in the meeting which
was organised by the Maoists. The police have manufactured ‘evidence’ after the
incident to claim that seven of the deceased adivasis had Naxal-related cases
filed against them. All these claims, however, fall flat against the
testimonies of the eyewitnesses who spoke out against the CRPF and the police
to the reporters, political activists and fact-finding teams.
According
to the villagers, the adivasis of three adjacent villages – Sirkegudem,
Kothagudem and Rajupenta – gathered in a meeting to plan for the upcoming seed
festival and the ensuing cropping season which was to commence shortly after the first
showers of monsoon. One of the concerns of the villagers who assembled in their
hundreds was to arrange the means of production including land and cattle for
the families who have lost their relatives and property during the Salwa Judum
campaign run by the Chhattisgarh government in 2004-08. As the meeting went
into the late night, three groups of Cobra commandos consisting of two hundred
soldiers each who marched out of Jagargunda, Chintalnar and Basaguda CRPF
camps, surrounded the meeting, and opened fire on the unarmed villagers
indiscriminately. They particularly targeted those who ran for their lives,
including the children and the young, shot them down and many were hacked to
death subsequently. The villagers also said that no armed Maoist cadre was
present in the meeting, nor were the armed forces fired upon. The injuries of
the six soldiers were caused by their own men, and not by the Maoists.
Faced
with such glaring facts, and giving into the pressure of public opinion, the
Chhattisgarh government has recently ordered a magisterial enquiry into the
massacre. However, given
the history of the Indian ruling classes in shielding its notorious armed
forces, nothing can be expected from such governmental enquiries. It is just eyewash
to quell the public anger and to deceive the aggrieved people, not to bring the
perpetrators to book. This is evident from the fate of the report by the
enquiry committee appointed after the state repression at Tadmetla in Dantewada
district last year where four villagers were killed and three villages burnt
down by the CRPF-Salwa Judum while three women were molested and sexually
assaulted. This report is yet to be acted upon or even made public by the
Chhattisgarh government. It is futile to expect that the rulers of the country
will punish their loyal armed forces who are faithfully implementing the
instructions of these very rulers and their anti-people designs through
Operation Green Hunt.
The
sharpening class struggle in central India once again exposes the fascist
nature of the Indian ruling classes: The feudal and comprador capitalist ruling
classes of India are tottering under the global economic crisis that has
severely hit the world imperialist system. Soina, Manmohan, Chidambaram,
Montek, Raman Singh and other agents of imperialism running the Indian state
are desperate to hand over the peoples’ mineral and natural resources to the
domestic and foreign corporates in their attempt to revive the fledgling
‘growth’ economy. The fierce resistance of the oppressed majority of the
country, however, has proved to be the biggest hurdle in realising this
exploitation and plunder in the garb of ‘development’. The armed revolutionary
struggle of the workers and peasants led by the Maoists in particular has
emerged as the main adversary of the ruling classes. Manmohan Singh has
therefore identified the Naxalite movement as the “biggest internal security
threat” to the country’s ruling classes. In the vast Dandakaranya region
covering Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Maharashtra, the adivasi
inhabitants have built up organs of peoples’ political power, peoples’
government, have undertaken people-oriented development programmes and are
resolutely defending the gains of this revolutionary social transformation
against the predatory aggression of the exploitative Indian state. The current
operation Green Hunt and all other brutal military offensive launched by the
Indian state are solely aimed at crushing the revolutionary people’s movement
and its pro-people vision.
In this intense class
struggle with the Indian ruling classes on the one side and the revolutionary
masses on the other, there is no middle-ground. The ‘Sandwich Theory’ peddled by the
revisionist ‘left’ and the NGO bandwagon is utterly fallacious. AISA/CPI(M)
Liberation has termed the martyrs of Sirkegudem massacre as ‘innocent
civilians’, thereby once again resurrecting the much-discredited ‘theory’ of
‘apolitical adivasi villagers caught between the state and the Maoists’. This
is a complete falsification of the reality–tricks which revisionists in the
mask of ‘Marxists’ often deploy to hide their own political bankruptcy. Despite
suffering severe state repression, the people of Dandakaranya have chosen to
hold high the red banner of revolution. From the brutal Salwa Judum campaign, to
Operation Green Hunt, or the recent Operation Vijay and Operation Haka, the
state repression over the people have only intensified over time and has become
more severe and brutal. But that has only strengthened the revolutionary will
of the people and has intensified their movement too, which is spreading like
wildfire across central and eastern India. It is the revolutionary movement
which will ultimately bring to justice the perpetrators of the Sirkegudem
massacre, including the running dogs of imperialism – Manmohan, Chidambaram,
Raman Singh and co.
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